The main reason that is driving Anwar Ibrahim to topple Barisan Nasional is that he believes that this window of opportunity will cease to exist in the very near future. Malaysia's short history has demonstrated that BN is a very resilient and adept at breaking down any form of opposition – both through incentives and coercive measures.

Other than the social democrats DAP which was formed when Singapore and therefore the Peoples Action Party (PAP) was expelled from Malaysia and the Islamist PAS, no other party has managed to develop the staying power required in the unrewarding and ridiculed position of opposition party.

All forms of coalition arrangements have been successfully demolished by the ruling party leaving itself as the only legitimate and credible representative of the people. Anwar has probably decided that it is easier to manage and develop Pakatan Rakyat as the ruling coalition where he will be in a position of strength to hold the coalition together through incentives and punishments – very much like the BN.

He would have a more difficult time managing Pakatan in the opposition as he would have limited leverage on the two more senior partners – DAP and PAS. Add to these problems, the resourceful and experienced BN punishing opposition-controlled states as well as providing incentives to defect, the future does not look too bright.

However, this is where Anwar must realise that forming a government through dubious means, limits his moral authority and allows the more resourceful BN to take the same measures to destabilise a Pakatan government in the future as he had set the precedent.

The final outcome of this instability would see Malaysia following the path of its neighbours – Philippines, Indonesia and Thailand – where political transition has come at a great price to society.

At the same time criticisms have come from supporters and BN on his efforts to wrest control of the government through defections.

It would be in Malaysia's long-term interest if Anwar and Pakatan focus on institutionalising its current relationship. It is unclear how policies are formulated in Pakatan. Furthermore, the crunch will be seen in the medium-term in the four Pakatan led states.

Except for Kelantan, where PAS is fully in command, the four states in the west coast where the economic heartbeat and arteries of the nation lie, it will be a test to see how Pakatan manages the competing interest of its diverging ideologies, demands from its supporters and also the punishments and incentives meted out by the BN.

It will also be a test for Anwar and Pakatan how it manages to successfully compete with BN in winning the hearts and minds of people over the medium and longer term. To date, Pakatan's economic policies have been populist at best addressing short term discontent of the public.

There is a global financial crisis which will definitely have an impact on Malaysia – and neither BN nor Pakatan has come up with any concrete proposal to address the fallout.

If Pakatan can creatively address the issues that are close to the heart of the people such as being accountable and transparent as a government; dispensing justice at the state level by tacking issues such as crime, racial and religious discrimination and improving the welfare of people by attracting investment and providing entrepreneurial and employment opportunities in spite of BN's retribution – the people of Malaysia will wholeheartedly give Pakatan a resounding victory in the next general election.

Pakatan will have truly deserved the right to form a government. It will be a truly smooth transition of power, as any attempt by BN to usurp power will thoroughly be discredited both by the citizens of Malaysia and the international community.