/file/attachments/orphans/PodcastExplainSikitd_306736.png)
'I'm not anti-monarchy': Hassan on royal power and feudalism
Soft-spoken but outspoken, PKR veteran Hassan Karim is known for his candour, even when addressing sensitive issues involving powerful figures.
The Pasir Gudang MP has never shied away from speaking up on matters involving the royal institution and the Malay rulers. But he insists that his outspokenness should not be mistaken for hostility towards the monarchy, which he holds in high regard.
"I am not anti-monarchy," Hassan told Malaysiakini.
"I fully understand the concept of a constitutional monarchy. But...
Soft-spoken but outspoken, PKR veteran Hassan Karim is known for his candour, even when addressing sensitive issues involving powerful figures.
The Pasir Gudang MP has never shied away from speaking up on matters involving the royal institution and the Malay rulers. But he insists that his outspokenness should not be mistaken for hostility towards the monarchy, which he holds in high regard.
"I am not anti-monarchy," Hassan told Malaysiakini.
"I fully understand the concept of a constitutional monarchy. But if the system begins to lean towards an absolute monarchy or feudalism, that is something I cannot agree with," he said.
For Hassan (above), respecting the monarchy does not mean staying silent when royal powers are exercised in ways he disagrees with.
This stance is evident in his criticism of the royal pardon granted to former prime minister Najib Abdul Razak and his assessment of the government's reform record.
/file/attachments/orphans/najib23121_480507.png "Former PM Najib Razak smiling photo 182926 EDITED AND REUPLOADED")
Speaking on KiniTV's "Explain Sikit, Kini!" podcast, hosted by Malaysiakini news editors Yiswaree Palansamy and Jimadie Shah Othman, the former Johor PKR chairperson reiterated his reservations about Najib's pardon.
Najib was convicted of criminal breach of trust, abuse of power, and money laundering involving RM42 million in SRC International funds.
Last month, Yang di-Pertuan Agong Sultan Ibrahim Sultan Iskandar granted the former Pekan MP a conditional pardon allowing him to serve the remainder of his prison sentence under house arrest, subject to payment of a RM50 million fine.
Previously, the then Yang di-Pertuan Agong, Sultan Abdullah Sultan Ahmad Shah, halved Najib's 12-year prison sentence to six years and reduced his fine from RM210 million to RM50 million. A purported addendum allowing Najib to serve his sentence under house arrest subsequently became the subject of a separate legal dispute.
In December 2025, the High Court ruled that the addendum was invalid and unenforceable because the proposed house arrest arrangement had not been deliberated on at the relevant Pardons Board meeting. Najib withdrew his appeal against the ruling in April 2026.
READ MORE: DAP veteran: Shafee should face contempt over claim court ruling curbed royal powers
A delicate balancing act
Hassan acknowledged that the government faces a delicate balancing act in responding to the issue.
"In previous cases, the courts established that a pardon falls strictly under the prerogative of the Yang di-Pertuan Agong.
"The government does not want to be seen as defying the royal institution - that is their dilemma," he said.
But the 75-year-old politician said he had no such reservations about speaking his mind.
"I see the government's dilemma, but I don't share it. I am not part of the executive branch.
"My duty is to my constituents and my principles as a PKR and Pakatan Harapan MP," he added.
/file/attachments/orphans/PodcastExplainSikitd2e_987842.png "Podcast Explain Sikit, Kini! Guest: Hassan Karim Host Jimadie Shah Othman & Yiswaree Palansamy 20261012")
Regarded within PKR as a voice of reason, Hassan said he also raised concerns in the Dewan Rakyat during debates on the royal address about public perceptions that political elites convicted of corruption were being treated leniently.
"It is all on record in the Hansard. I prefaced my remarks with 'Ampun Tuanku' (Pardon me, Your Majesty). I carried out my duty within the law and wasn't investigated under the Sedition Act.
"Again, I am not anti-monarchy. But I will always speak out against any shift toward feudalism," the lawyer-politician stressed.
Asked to compare Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim’s approach to the monarchy with that of former premier Dr Mahathir Mohamad, Hassan declined to draw direct comparisons.
He nevertheless praised Mahathir as "the bravest prime minister" for pushing through constitutional amendments that established the Special Court to try members of the royal institution.
Govt earns barely passing mark
Assessing the federal government's progress in fulfilling its reform promises ahead of the 16th general election, Hassan gave it a score of just 51 percent.
"The remaining 49 percent has yet to be delivered. It’s merely a conditional pass to qualify for the next election," he remarked.
/file/attachments/orphans/AI1ad2dd_780041.png "PM Anwar Ibrahim delivers Budget 2026 speech book generic 091026")
He highlighted deaths in custody, detention without trial under the Security Offences (Special Measures) Act 2012, and the continued use of the Sedition Act 1948 as areas requiring urgent reform.
The recently tabled Budget 2027, he added, would be a crucial test of Anwar’s leadership.
"If the electorate rejects this budget, it won't just be Anwar who falls. The entire government will collapse, and PKR will face an existential crisis," he warned.
Despite his criticisms, Hassan credited the administration with introducing welfare measures to help lower- and middle-income groups. These included the Rahmah Sales initiative, expanded tax relief for the M40, and the permanent appointment of 9,000 contract medical officers.
"This shows the government is capable of listening," he noted.
On Harapan’s ties with Umno, Hassan suggested that their federal partnership was driven by circumstances rather than a lasting political alignment.
"When Parliament dissolves, Umno will chart its own course, whether independently or through alliances like Muafakat Nasional. That will naturally relieve Harapan of the burden of this coalition," he added.
/file/attachments/orphans/najib23121_480507.png)
/file/attachments/orphans/AnwarIbrahim1_917202.png)
/file/publisher-c1a3f893382d2b2f8a9aa22a654d9c97/2020/11/d34c777d814e210aa29aa0f7a4de3923.jpg)
/file/publisher-c1a3f893382d2b2f8a9aa22a654d9c97/2021/06/7123602695cfcb88ea0382a050bee245.jpg)
Hassan’s remarks expose a central tension in Malaysia’s unfinished democratic transition. The independence settlement, shaped through the Reid Commission process, entrenched relationships of authority that had previously been more fluid. Parliamentary institutions emerged alongside a deeply rooted culture of deference. Frantz Fanon warned that independence could transfer power from colonial rulers to local elites while leaving ordinary people’s subordination intact. His analysis raises a difficult question: has Malaysia’s passage through colonialism, neo-colonialism and developmental authoritarianism transferred sufficient power to the rakyat, or merely redistributed it among elites? The transition takes time, but parliamentary democracy is no inevitable destination. Waiting to capture public frustration are the theocratic politics represented by PAS and the oligarchic power of politically connected “family companies”. Either could reproduce elite domination under a different banner. Hassan deserves recognition for connecting democratic principles to local government. In December 2023, he challenged Umno’s opposition to local council elections and its fears of non-Malay domination. His defence of these elections provides a practical foundation for challenging the culture of political dependence. Restoring local government elections must therefore be a requirement of democratic reform. Citizens should elect and be able to dismiss those making decisions about drainage, rubbish collection, planning, public spaces and local expenditure. Councillors should owe their positions to residents rather than political patrons. Through Fanon’s lens, emancipation requires people to become active participants in governing their lives. Local elections can help develop that capacity through everyday experience: questioning decisions, organising collectively and holding representatives accountable. Hassan’s defence of local democracy should now become a demand for legislation and a clear timetable. Criticism of feudalism must lead to institutions that put power in the hands of ordinary people. “The price of freedom is eternal vigilance.” That vigilance includes insisting that those who promise reform actually surrender power to the rakyat.
It is very commendable that Hassan will not be silent when “when royal powers are exercised in ways he disagrees with”. It is encouraging to know that one MP can recognise that the system is beginning “to lean towards an absolute monarchy or feudalism” and will not be silent about it. The “leaning” is a major and serious constitutional issue that must be addressed. It’s an utter shame that with the exception of one MP the rest are willing to go along with this “leaning”. The issue, however, isn’t whether the system is leaning towards absolute monarchy or feudalism. The issue is whether that “leaning” is taking place with the mandate of the people. Without the mandate of the people, with what authority is this PH-led govt facilitating this “leaning” that deprives the people of being the ultimate oversight authority through Parliament? How is this democratic and according to the government of parliamentary democracy we practice? Secondly is this “leaning” constitutional? This “leaning” in some cases gives direct oversight powers to the king as in the PM-term limit and the separation of AG-PP bills. Is that constitutional? Does the constitution give those oversight powers to the king and rulers when we are a parliamentary democracy and Parliament is the highest oversight body to the elected government? Yet decisions have been made and such oversight is exercised facilitated by the madani government, Najib’s house arrest is a case in point. Giving oversight over the legislative bodies to the king and rulers is a departure from the constitutional role of the king and rulers and can only be changed by a referendum as it changes the form of government we practice. If that’s what the people want, it should have been made public, with public discussion on the issue followed by a referendum to make such a drastic change. Such a change shouldn’t be done under the guise of “reform” without the people’s knowledge. But it is being done quietly bill after bill by the madani govt with the unsuspecting people not knowing what’s going on and with the majority of MPs coerced to pass the bills under the CSA their parties signed with the PH-led government. If the MPs truly represent the people, they will not pass these bills as they are unconstitutional AND they will not support this govt which is using its appointed position to pass such bills. Maybe Hassan knows all this. If he does I hope he will rally the support of fellow MPs to put a stop to this govt facilitating the “leaning” without the mandate of the people.
I think there is a limit to the number of pardons for guilty politicians that the young generation can take before they decide to give their votes to whichever party that can pull that direction back to the middle or address that situation once and for all.The ME countries have shown that over the decades.
Report this comment
Are you sure you want to delete this comment?
This action cannot be undone.