Dr Mahathir Mohamad is among the very few Malaysians who understands the devastating and disruptive impact of Western European imperialism and colonial capitalism on the political economy of indigenous societies especially of the Third World.
His analysis of the “special position “of the Malays therefore needs to be taken up for more theoretical and in-depth research.
Indeed, in his recent comment on “Hijacking the Social Contract” he has emphasised that many commentators in analysing this topic have done so ‘with authority but without knowing anything or doing proper research’, a position which I believe will be well taken.
It seems pertinent therefore, that the special position now be re-examined within the framework of political theory to ascertain its origins and especially the impact it had on the subsequent movements towards political independence for Malaya
I do hope however that I may be allowed to highlight a possible alternative interpretation to the ‘special position’.
I take the cutting off point to be the ‘volte-face’ in colonial policy from the abrogation of the Malayan Union to the promulgation of the Federation of Malaya Agreement. From being reduced to a downgraded political status comparable to that of the immigrant communities, the Malays were suddenly thrust to the apex of the colonial political power pyramid in a “special position’ they never demanded, let alone negotiated.
On the basis of Malaysian social history, and especially the theory of internal colonialism, it can be argued that the ‘special position was ‘planted’ and hijacked (“take over something and use it for a different purpose”) by the British, to serve as a bulwark against Malay nationalism especially in the context of the early awareness towards political independence.
The British were well aware that only the Malays could ‘kick them out’ either by the abrogation of treaties or revolution, and were therefore taken aback and shocked not only at the vehemence of the widespread political opposition against the Malayan Union, but more importantly, that of the Malay left and other Islamic radical reform movements had initiated consciousness for early political independence.
The ‘special position’ therefore fitted well within the policy of indirect rule and divide and rule and further legitimised and reinforced the basic two-class system of the pre-colonial period in the furtherance of colonial rule.
It is therefore not surprising that the Malay National Party and radical Islamic reform parties should ‘walk out’ of the British negotiations for the promulgation of the Federation of Malaya Agreement reducing Umno effectively to the status of a “minority” Malay political party among the coalition that it once led in the struggle against the Malayan Union.
